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India’s strategic Strike Nuclear Submarine INS Arihant carried out a successful launch of a Submarine Launched Ballistic Missile (SLBM).
The Ministry of Defence said that the test is significant for the SSBN programme, which is a crucial element of India’s nuclear deterrence capability.
The missile was tested to a predetermined range and impacted the target area in the Bay of Bengal with very high accuracy. All operational and technological parameters of the weapon system have been validated.
The successful user training launch of the SLBM by INS Arihant is significant to prove crew competency and validate the SSBN programme, a key element of India’s nuclear deterrence capability.
A robust, survivable and assured retaliatory capability is in keeping with India’s policy to have ‘Credible Minimum Deterrence’ that underpins its ‘No First Use’ commitment.
Commissioned in 2016, INS Arihant is India’s nuclear-powered ballistic missile capable submarine, classified under the SSBN programme.
The SSBN is a hull classification symbol for nuclear-powered ballistic missile carrying submarines. Operations of the SLBMs from the SSBN are under the purview of Strategic Forces Command which is part of India’s Nuclear Command Authority.
Officials said that capability of being able to launch nuclear weapons from submarines has great strategic importance in the context of achieving a nuclear triad, especially in the light of the ‘no first use’ policy of India.
The capability to launch nuclear missiles from submarines has great strategic importance and is in line with the target of achieving a nuclear triad – of weapon delivery from land, air and sea – given India’s no-first-use policy.
The family of indigenously developed Submarine Launched Ballistic Missiles (SLBMs), sometimes referred to as K-family missiles are codenamed after Dr APJ Abdul Kalam, the central figure in India’s missile and space programmes, who also served as the 11th President of India.
Under the SLBM family, missiles of various ranges have been developed including K-15 also called Sagarika, which has a range of at least 750 km.
India has also developed and tested the K-4 missiles from the same family, which have a range of 3,500 km. It is said that more members of the K-family with higher ranges are also on cards.
Govt. and Politics
Electoral bond scheme transparent: Govt to SC (Page no. 7)
(GS Paper 2, Polity and Governance)
The Centre on Friday told the Supreme Court that the procedure for funding political parties under the Electoral Bond Scheme-2018 is “absolutely transparent” and that it is now “impossible to get any money in black or any unaccounted form”.
The methodology of receiving the money has been so transparent. We will take the court through it step by step. Now it’s impossible to get any money in black or any unaccounted form. It is the most transparent system.
Mehta said this as Senior Advocate KapilSibal contended that free-and-fair elections was a basic feature of the Constitution but under the scheme, it is not known who is funding parties and that “this is destructive of free-and-fair elections.
Advocate Prashant Bhushan said petitions touch three important interconnected issues which go to the very root of democracy — the question of electoral bonds; whether political parties come under the RTI; and about retrospective amendments to Foreign Contribution Regulation Act which says that subsidiaries of foreign companies will not be treated as foreign source thereby allowing donations to political parties, public servants, etc. “And the question in all these cases is whether amendments can be made through a money Bill which don’t even go to the Rajya Sabha for approval,” he pointed out.
Sibal said the matter involves questions that would require interpretation of the Constitution and hence it may have to be referred to a larger bench.
Attorney General R Venkataramani and the SG said the court should first look into the matter and only then take a call on whether it should be referred [to larger Bench] or not. With both sides agreeing, the court fixed the hearing on December 6.
The matter last came up in the court on March 26, 2021, when a bench headed by the then Chief Justice of India S A Bobde dismissed an application filed by the petitioners seeking stay on any fresh sale of electoral bonds ahead of the Assembly elections that were due at the time.
The top court had questioned claims regarding “complete anonymity” of the purchasers of the bonds and said “it is not as though the operations under the scheme are behind iron curtains incapable of being pierced”.
Dismissing the prayer not to allow any new window for their sale till its main petition challenging the scheme is decided, the court pointed out that the bonds had already been issued in the past without any impediment and that it had ordered “certain safeguards”.
Express Network
People should feel responsible, not like free riders in India journey of progress: Rajnath (Page no. 10)
(GS Paper 3, Defence)
Urging people to play their part in the country’s journey of progress, Defence Minister said “we are not free riders but a responsible rider in this journey”.
Addressing a gathering at the National War Memorial Complex after launching “MaaBharatiKeSapoot” website for contribution to Armed Forces Battle Casualties Welfare Fund (AFBCWF), Singh said it is our moral responsibility to help those who keep the country safe.
“We have to work for the welfare of our country, our society and our soldiers by rising above the spirit of personal or institutional fame, prestige and honour. This nation has given us a lot. Now it is our turn to offer something to the nation”.
In the development journey of our country, whether anyone feels or not, we should feel that we are not free riders in this journey, but we are responsible riders”. “It is our duty to ensure that we have an active participation in nation building.”
Singh appealed to the people to donate “generously” to honour the sacrifice of soldiers and their families.
The AFBCWF is a Tri-Service fund, which is utilised for grant of immediate financial assistance to the families of soldiers/sailors/airmen who lay down their lives or get grievously injured in active military operations.
While the Government has initiated a large number of welfare schemes for the soldiers killed or disabled during active combat operations, there has been a strong public sentiment and requests from citizens, corporate heads, banks and industry captains to contribute to the cause of welfare of the soldiers and their families.
The website will enable people to contribute online directly into the fund. A certificate of online contribution can also be downloaded. Actor Amitabh Bachchan is the “goodwill ambassador” of the new initiative.
On the occasion, Chief of Defence Staff General Anil Chauhan, Chief of the Air Staff Air Chief Marshal VR Chaudhari, Chief of the Army Staff General Manoj Pande, Secretary (Ex-Servicemen Welfare) Vijoy Kumar Singh, Vice Chief of the Naval Staff Vice Admiral SN Ghormade, other senior civil and military officials and Olympics gold medallist Neeraj Chopra were also present.
GSLV MkIII to make commercial foray by launching 36 satellites on Oct 23 (Page no. 11)
(GS Paper 3, Science and Technology)
Indian Space Research Organisation’s heaviest rocket, GSLV MkIII, is set to launch 36 satellites of the OneWeb communication constellation from the country’s only space port at Sriharikota, Andhra Pradesh. With this the GSLV MkIII will enter the global commercial launch service market.
Cryo stage, equipment bay (EB) assembly completed. Satellites are encapsulated and assembled in the vehicle. Final vehicle checks are in progress.”
The space agency has also thrown open the viewing gallery for the people to witness the launch, which has been done for the first time since the pandemic started.
The launch aboard India’s heaviest rocket was purchased by the United Kingdom-based Network Access Associated Limited through the New Space India Limited, one of the commercial arms of the space agency. Bharti group-backed OneWeb is a constellation of satellites in low earth orbit to provide broadband services.
This is the first time that India’s heaviest rocket is being used for a commercial launch. Also, this will the first time a rocket other than India’s workhorse – Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV) – is being used to carry out commercial launch.
Since its first operational flight, the PSLV has conducted at least eight commercial-only launches. The vehicle has established itself in the global market, having launched at least 345 foreign satellites from 36 countries, with its most notable flight being the 2017 PSLV-C37 mission that put 104 satellites in orbits (of which 101 were foreign commercial satellites).
This will be the second flight of the GSLV Mk III — after it joined the ISRO fleet having completed two development flights — since it carried India’s second lunar mission Chandrayaan-2.
The other heavier launch vehicle, GSLV, has a spottier record with fourteen launches so far, including the development flights. However, only eight of the missions were a complete success. None of these missions were commercial ones.
India currently has three operational launch vehicles – the PSLV, GSLV, and GSLV Mk III. The space agency has also developed a small satellite launch vehicle, whose first development flight earlier this year was partially successful.
Idea Page
A court for our times (Page no. 13)
(GS Paper 2, Polity and Governance)
On September 29, 2022, in X v the Principal Secretary, Health and Family Welfare Department, Government of NCT, three judges of the Supreme Court, Justice D Y Chandrachud, Justice A S Bopanna and Justice J B Pardiwala, in a unanimous decision, allowed an unmarried woman to terminate her pregnancy. The senior-most judge of the panel, Justice Chandrachud, authored the judgment.
Now, readers might be unsurprised to know that the young, unmarried, and courageous appellant Ms X, who was pregnant because of a consensual relationship, faced statutory obstacles in accessing an abortion.
The statutory obstacles were in terms of Section 3(2) (b) of the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act 1971 (MTP Act) and Rule 3 B (c) of the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Rules 2003 (MTP Rules). And the law treated her unmarried status as an impediment in enabling her to access an abortion.
First, let us wade into the legal provisions — Section 3(2) (B) of the MTP Act enables pregnancies to be terminated by registered medical practitioners if the length of the pregnancy is within 20 weeks.
Further, if the pregnancy is between 20 and 24 weeks, then two registered medical practitioners must form an opinion that the continuation of the pregnancy would involve a risk to the life of the pregnant woman or will cause grave injury to her physical and mental health.
It also allows termination if there is a substantial risk that the child, if born, would suffer from a serious physical or mental abnormality.
Importantly, MTP Rule 3B establishes categories of women who can terminate pregnancy between 20 and 24 weeks. The categories that the rule allows access to abortions are — survivors of sexual assault, those undergoing a “change in status of relationship” (for instance, divorce or death of spouse), those who are physically challenged or mentally ill and where the foetus is malformed or may suffer from mental or physical abnormalities.
Clearly, on a plain reading, “unmarried women” were not included among women who can access abortions when the pregnancy is between 20 and 24 weeks.
When the 25-year-old Ms X reached the Supreme Court, after her plea was rejected by the Delhi High Court, she was a little under the legally significant 24-week deadline. The Delhi High Court had ruled that Section 3 (2) (b) of the MTP Act was inapplicable to unmarried women, and hence Ms X could not access an abortion.
Big brother vs big tech (Page no. 13)
(GS Paper 2, Polity and Governance)
There has been a concerted attempt by the ruling dispensation to usher in far reaching expansive regulatory frameworks to govern each and every aspect of India’s digital ecosystem.
From the draft telecom bill to the proposed e-commerce rules to the personal data protection bill and others, these new policy frameworks seek to regulate the physical infrastructure that forms the backbone of Digital India, the platforms that dominate all forms of digital interactions from communication to retail, the underlying payments channels that facilitate these transactions, and the management of the data generated.
While the precise nature of the provisions proposed in each of these policies varies, when seen as part of a larger mosaic, the underlying philosophy that drives or motivates the more contentious aspects of these policies seems to be the same. This appears to be a strategic choice, driven by the desire to exercise more control over every aspect of the digital ecosystem, a preference for domestic firms and a desire to promote national champions while limiting the influence and dominance of Big Tech.
Take the case of the draft telecom bill. The bill proposes to bring OTT communication platforms under its ambit, subjecting them to rules similar to those governing telecom operators, including licencing.
The explanations offered for favouring such a regulatory architecture range from those based on economic arguments such as the need to “create a level playing field” to the state asserting its sovereign right in matters concerning “national security”.
However, neither of these explanations holds water. The former assumes a false equivalence between telcos and OTT platforms, while there are better ways of tackling concerns over the latter.
But, the insistence on licencing, not regulation, seems to indicate a desire to bring Big Tech platforms such as WhatsApp to heel. Considering the wide-ranging ramifications, it is conceivable that this may simply be a negotiating tactic.
It is possible that these onerous provisions are eventually watered down, but only after extracting concessions from Big Tech.
The same intention — curbing the dominance of Big Tech — rather than any sound economic logic appears to be behind the decision to impose caps on market shares of payment platforms.
If at all competition is being affected, it is a consequence of the flawed MDR (merchant discount rate) policy regime. Moreover, market concentration, which is a consequence of network effects, is prevalent across most tech markets.
The policy framework could have facilitated a dramatic expansion in the ownership of spectrum, perhaps even to players other than telcos such as pension funds — the spectrum owned by these firms could then be leased by telecom operators as per their requirement.
Explained Page
In Saibaba acquittal,key question of sanction under UAPA (Page no. 15)
(GS Paper 2/3, Polity and Governance/Internal Security)
The Nagpur Bench of Bombay High Court on Friday set aside the conviction of former Delhi University professor G N Saibaba, who was sentenced to life imprisonment in 2017 by the sessions court in Gadchiroli for alleged links with the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist).
The High Court ruled that the trial of Saibaba and five others were “null and void” in the absence of a valid sanction under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967.
In 2013, police in Gadchiroli claimed to have received secret information about active members of the CPI (Maoist) and its front, the Revolutionary Democratic Front.
Police arrested Mahesh Tirki, Pandu Narote, Hem Mishra, Vijay Tirki, and journalist Prashant Rahi that year. On May 9, 2014, Saibabawas arrested.
All six accused were charged with criminal conspiracy to wage war against the Government of India through unlawful activities by use of violence.
The accused, including Saibaba, were alleged to have been found in possession of documents and electronic gadgets containing Maoist literature, letters, correspondence, pamphlets, and audio-video clips of meetings of the CPI (Maoist).
On March 7, 2017, the Gadchiroli sessions court pronounced the accused guilty of charges including unlawful activities, conspiracy, membership and support of terrorist gang under the UAPA, and criminal conspiracy under the Indian Penal Code.
Five of the accused, including Saibaba, were sentenced to life in prison, the maximum punishment under these sections. Vijay Tirkiwas sentenced to 10 years. Twenty-three witnesses were examined, and heavy reliance was placed on the seizures made from the accused.
Section 45(1) of the UAPA says no court shall take cognizance of any offence under the Act without the previous sanction of the central or state government or any officer authorised by them.
Xi, CCP, and India (Page no. 15)
(GS Paper 2, International Relations)
Xi Jinping is set to get a third term as general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and President of China.
The CCP’s 20th National Congress beginning in Beijing on October 16 is a very important moment in China’s politics, with implications for the world at large.
From the developments in the run-up to the Congress, it appears very likely that Xi Jinping will be approved for a third term as general secretary. Reconfirmation as president will only happen in March at the National People’s Congress.
Former leader Deng Xiaoping had left the legacy that CCP general secretaries would step down after serving two five-year terms.
Former General Secretaries Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao adhered to this roadmap. Xi Jinping is flouting this unwritten rule, and has the control over the party to achieve a third term.Since taking over as general secretary in 2012, Xi Jinping has started two very important reforms.
First, he is attempting to reform China’s economy so that it moves from being a manufacturing economy or the “factory of the world” to an innovation-based, thought-led economy. This is still a work in progress, and Xi needs more time to complete the job.
Second, Xi has begun changing the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to make it a modern, war-fighting machine. This reform too, is a work in progress.
China has continued to grow, albeit at slower rates per annum. It is the second largest economy in the world, and hopes to push the United States off the number 1 position.
However, stresses and strains in its economy need to be ironed out; Xi has begun reforms, which, however, require time to be completed.
China has been flexing its muscle on the world stage. In its competition with the United States, China needs to clearly show other nations that it is the big power or hegemon in its backyard, which is Asia.
Overall, the jury is still out on the issue of China’s performance under Xi. This is why he desires to complete the work he has begun before he passes on the baton of general secretary of the CCP.
Far more important than changing the unwritten two-term rule for general secretaries is the fact that Xi has undone Deng’s decentralisation of decision-making in both economics and politics.